South Korean Ambassador bids farewell to Kurdistan
Erbil, Kurdistan Region, Iraq – (KRG.org) – The South Korean Ambassador to Iraq, Mr. Heyon Meyong Kim, arrived in the Kurdistan Region to pay farewell visits to KRG Prime Minister Nechirvan Barzani and a number of senior KRG officials as his tenure in Iraq comes to an end. In addition to his meetings he also attended the American University of Iraq – Sulaimani Forum and the ceremony at Erbil Airport where the remains of 93 Barzanis who died during the Anfal campaign were returned to Kurdistan.
Prime Minister Barzani welcomed the Ambassador and expressed his appreciation on behalf of the government and people of Kurdistan towards the Republic of Korea for its assistance to the region throughout the past decade. The Zaytun Division, a contingent from the Korean Army, was deployed to Kurdistan from September 2004 until December 2008, contributing to reconstruction projects for the people of the Region. Prime Minister Barzani also pointed to the actions of the Korean International Cooperation Agency (KOICA) in Kurdistan. Both Korean entities played a crucial role in establishing a strong foundation for mutual relations which continue to progress. The Prime Minister said, "We want to benefit from the successful experience of Korea, particularly in the fields of science and technology, education and human capacity development."
For his part, the Korean Ambassador praised the role of the KRG and political leadership in maintaining stability and security, a key factor in Kurdistan’s progress and prosperity. The Ambassador pointed out that during his two-year tenure as Ambassador to Iraq he has had the opportunity to learn about the history of the Kurdish people and the tragedies that they have experienced. Prior to his departure the Korean Ambassador attended a ceremony where the remains of 93 Barzanis who lost their lives during the Anfal campaign were returned to Kurdistan to be reburied in Barzan. The Ambassador stated how moved he had been at seeing the victims of the former regime’s genocidal crimes firsthand.
Later during the same day, the Korean Ambassador met with Minister Falah Mustafa at the Department of Foreign Relations along with the Assistant Head of the Department, Ms Siham Jabali. The two parties discussed the many similarities that the people of Kurdistan and Korea share. In discussing the tragic past, Minister Mustafa said, “We have come a long way but we are still facing many challenges and we can learn lessons from your experience and your history.” He went on to say that “the character of Kurdistan is based upon a culture of hope and optimism."
South Korea and Kurdistan have established robust channels for collaboration through cultural and educational exchange programs and the continuity of capacity building programs managed by KOICA in Kurdistan. Ambassador Meyong Kim informed Minister Mustafa of future programs initiated by the Korean Institute for Development Strategy (KDS), a Korean think-tank and consultancy specializing in international economic development, who plan to work with the KRG Ministry of Planning.
Ambassador Kim will be returning to Seoul to resume work at the Korean Foreign Ministry in order to prepare for his next posting as the Consul General in Los Angeles in the near future.
Iraq: the good news
Stephen Bleach - Published: 9 March 2014
The Sunday Times
As tourism slogans go, "Come to sunny Iraq!" is problematic, but Britain's biggest adventure travel company is inviting you to do just that. Well, to come to part of Iraq, anyway. New group tours from Explore avoid the violence-torn south and stick to Kurdistan, the semi-autonomous northern region that's been relatively peaceful for 10 years now. Even the cautious Foreign and Commonwealth Office has given it the all-clear.
So, does Iraqi Kurdistan have much to offer, beyond the undeniable frisson of a destination where the first road sign from the airport points to Baghdad?
First impressions aren't great. The flash new airport at Erbil is served by direct flights from several European cities, so no nerve-jangling touchdowns in Iraq proper -- but, cashed up by an oil boom, the Kurds are busily covering their capital with buildings of outstanding hideousness. The citadel has a claim to be the oldest inhabited town on earth (8,000 years, give or take), but endless restoration work means it's mostly closed.
Fortunately, they've repaired the roads too, so it's easy to move on to the countryside, where things improve immeasurably. The Iraq we know from news footage is a dusty, barren place, but as we head east in a minivan, a very different landscape opens up. Go before June, and the lowlands are painted an intense green by spring grass; further on, snow-capped mountains rear up and wildflowers dot the meadows of the valley floor.
The place is relaxed and safe, so you can stop, stroll and picnic where you like. Be ready to drink a lot of tea, though. Perhaps because western travellers are so rare -- outside Erbil, I didn't see a single one -- the hospitality is overwhelming.
Local students invite me to join their picnic -- a few yards from the minefield We pull up in a remote village in the Zhilwan mountains and are instantly invited into a home for chai and nibbles. Zuhri Rachid has an infectious laugh, seven daughters, one son, two cows, an unknown number of chickens and one hell of a view over the peaks from her parlour. The children show us round the house: animals below, people on the first floor, mud roof above.
We sit cross-legged and chat over chai and bowls of nuts. She is happy, she says -- apart from one thing. The neighbours look down on traditional stone houses like hers, but her husband won't build a more prestigious concrete one.
"We are poor, and it's too expensive," says Sadiq Ibrahim. "Stop nagging, or I'll get another wife."
"You couldn't get another wife," says Zuhri, "because nobody will marry you unless you build a concrete house!"
Their bantering good humour is all the more striking given their past. During Saddam Hussein's genocidal campaign against the Kurds in the late 1980s, their village was repeatedly bombed and gassed. "We fled to Iran," says Zuhri, suddenly sombre. "It took three days, walking over the mountains. It was winter, so cold, and I had my baby on my back." And then, in a flash, the smile is back, the teapot is proffered and we're talking about the price of sheep.
Everyone you meet has a story like this -- and you meet a lot of people. Staying in three different towns, and visiting buckets of sights in eight days, the tour is just short of whistle-stop. It takes in Sulaymaniyah, the laid-back, arty second city, where intellectuals sip tea in chaikhanas, discuss literature and folklore -- and tell tales of the Amna Suraka, or red building, the torture centre on the outskirts of town used by Saddam's secret police. You can look round the ugly, nondescript compound if you want to. Inside, things happened that are by some measure worse than I'd ever imagined.
The tour zips up to beauty spots in the north, and the shrines of religious minorities: the ancient Christian monastery at Alqosh, on crags overlooking the Biblical plains of Nineveh -- once shelled by Saddam's forces, who believed it was a hideout for Kurdish guerillas; and fascinating Lalish, world centre of the Yazidi religion, where local students invited me to join their picnic, a few yards from the minefield laid by Saddam's troops.
By the bye, one of the boons of historic sites here is that you won't have to endure a bored guide running through a list of facts. That's because there aren't any trained guides and there aren't any established facts. What guides exist cut their teeth working as translators for the American military, who were less interested in the date a monument was built than in how many insurgents might be hiding behind it. And in any case, Kurdistan's wealth of archeology is woefully poorly researched. You have to soak up the air of antiquity and fill in the blanks yourself. It's sightseeing as a creative process.
The most poignant stop is Halabja, a little country town sitting in a beautiful, mountain-fringed valley. It's a thriving place: in the market, butchers' shops are festooned with obscure animal parts, greengrocers' stalls burst with fruit and throngs of maty locals, clad in the billowing Kurdish sharwal trousers, chat in the sunshine. Everyone offers tea. Many want to practise their English, which elsewhere is code for "rope you into an elaborate con", but here means just what it says. There is no hassle. Nobody even tried to sell me anything. They're just too polite.
Friendly, scenic, lively... you'd like the place. It's hard not to. But if the name seems familiar, it's because Halabja was the site of the most notorious war crime of recent history. An estimated 5,000 people, mostly women and children, died when Saddam's air force dropped chemical weapons here in March 1988.
Mohammed Saeed was six at the time, and he tells us his story as he shows us round the memorial museum outside town. The gas smelled sweet -- like apples, he says. He survived, a bewildered boy holding his one-year-old sister as the rest of his family died. When you look at the photos of victims, taken hours after the attack, you'll cry. Everyone does.
And then, like the Kurds themselves, you'll move on. Confident, go-ahead, tragic Halabja is a microcosm of the contradictions of Kurdistan. It certainly doesn't make for an easy holiday: few outstanding sights, no beaches to laze on. But the human story here is compelling, and finally we can witness it at first hand. This is where the history of our times has been made, and the Kurds are trying to give it a happy ending. It's a messy process, and it isn't finished yet, but watching it happen is a joy.
Halabja designated as Kurdistan Region's fourth province
Erbil, Kurdistan Region, Iraq (KRG.org) – On Thursday 13 March Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) Prime Minister Nechirvan Barzani formally designated Halabja as the fourth province of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq. At the press conference following the ratification Prime Minister Barzani said, "I hope the actions of the KRG today have met the desires and the aspirations of the dear people of Halabja, and I hope that we have been able to bring some joy to the citizens of Halabja a few days before the anniversary of the horrible attack on the city 26 years ago."
During a meeting with a number of KRG officials and the visiting delegation from Halabja, Prime Minister Barzani said that Halabja is a symbol for all of the oppression and suffering endured by the people of Kurdistan. He added that the decision to legally declare it a province was more than a gesture of kindness but a decision of genuine importance to the KRG. The Prime Minister highlighted that the decision had already been agreed by the Kurdistan Region Parliament in 1999. Prime Minister Barzani also noted that the KRG addressed this issue and implemented this decision in coordination with the Federal Government of Iraq so that Halabja can benefit from the same privileges enjoyed by all Iraqi provinces.
The delegation of representatives from the province of Halabja included the mayor, representatives of administrative institutions, the Organisation of the Victims of Halabja, Islamic scholars, and members from civil society organisations and different political parties. The delegation welcomed the decision by the KRG. Members of the delegation said that the people of Halabja had been eagerly awaiting this decision.
Following the meeting and official signature by the Prime Minister, participants attended a press conference where the executive decree was read aloud. Speaking to the press, Prime Minister Barzani congratulated the people of Halabja and expressed his pleasure that all political parties in the Kurdistan Region stood with a united voice in supporting this decision.
Halabcheh from Event to Symbol
Dr. Jegar Khavin, deputy-representative of Kurdistan Regional Government of Iraq in Tehran
In some political and strategic analysts’ views, the Baath army’s chemical bombing was a reaction to failures caused by common acts of Kurdish fighters of Iraq and Iranian forces. Following Valfajr act 10, Iranian forces together with Kurdish devotees entered Kurdish part of Halabcheh and warmly greeted and welcomed by people.
A little later in Jun 28, 1987, Iraqi Aircraft droped chemical bombs on Halabcheh. Iraqi fighters, in different part of town, dropped chemical bombs having nerve killing gas such as VX, Sarin, Taboon with other terrible mustard gas on people so it left 5000 martyrs and 7000 injured. Most of martyrs were elders, women and children. This rare tragedy moved the world conscience so highly that it will never be removed from human society and Kurd nation in Iraq. It seems that the formation of such savage act should be sought upon military equations.
This military offense and inhuman was a part of Iraq regime policy in an identity reaction to Kurds in Kurdistan of Iraq which was carried out in the frame of the acts so-called Anfal. Anfal acts and the extinction of Kurdish people in Iraq started in 1975 followed disappearance of 12000 Fili Kurds, 8000 Barzani Kurds, 182000 Garmiani and Kurds from other parts. At last, Baath regime showed his cruelty and genocide broadly by chemical bombing of Halabcheh.
The years earlier, in spite of difficulties and pains decades by decades, Iraq Kurds maintained their own independent cultural identity. Their identical features had similarities and unseparated ties with other parts of Aria and Iranian civilization.
More than other politicians, Saddam engaged in Kurds matter. He spared no efforts including genocide and chemical bombing, mass slaughtering and torturing, the negation of their being and burying innocent people alive to extinct Kurdish identity and cultural and civilization features. Despite of all these acts Kurds have been kept and appreciate their noble identity. The ethnocentrism and racism attitudes and policies of Baath regime caused Kurds reaction and their preparation of Eylul rising under the Mullah Mustafa Barzani in 1961.
In 1971 thousands of Fili Kurds were forced by Baath army to migrate Iran, a little later, thousands were forced to leave Karkuk and migrate southern regions. Some years later these acts broadly continued systematically. Frankly speaking, fighting against cultural identity of Kurds changed to the most important aspect of interior and foreign policy of Baath regime.
Kurdish people continuously desired to maintain the aspects of cultural and civilization identity and considered Iran aid and support as a way to keep such identical features. Through this aspect, Saddam attempt to invite Iran king to solve the border disagreements and signing the contract of Algeria 1975 was a trick to eliminate Kurds on political map of Iraq, tempting Iran and saving sufficient time to strengthen his military forces and taking revenge from Iran in an appropriate time. After Islamic Revolution victory, Saddam, in his picture, thought the new regime of Iran would not be able to resist his equipped army. Thus, he tore apart the contract of Algeria showed on the governmental TV and sot out to attack broadly Iran leading to victimize hundred thousands of innocent people and civilians. Saddam called fight against Iran the Arab-Persian war, it seemed he fought against major core of Iranian identity and civilization. This fight also had a clear message for Kurds, this time he attacked civilizational origin of Kurds.
Although the chemical attack of Iraq Army was at the beginning years of the fight, in terminal years it got worse when weakness and inefficiency appeared in Baath army, the attacks which were determinant in slowing Iranian forces progression. Halabcheh chemical bombing occurred in such atmosphere. In fact, chemical attack not only was a Baath army’s reaction to people welcoming Iranian forces but in a broad considering it also was a part of the aggressive government acts in the policy of reaction to Kurds identity. Undoubtedly, this inhuman act indicated racist Baaths’ hostility, enmity and disgust to Arian and Iranian identity.
From 1983 to terminal years of the fight, Saddam made different attempts for genocide of Kurds. Within this time, he devastated 4500 border villages of Kurds and moved the residents to forced camps or other areas of Iraq. Due to this act, thousands of houses, schools, mosques and churches were demolished. He even commended to cut the trees of this area in order to vanish any sign of life and possibility of refugees return. Saddam’s cruel and inhuman acts actually were one of the most important aspect and climax of such policy of racism.
Meanwhile, Iranian nation and government role in support of the injured of Halabcheh tragedy was unique and deserves to be appreciated. Iran different organization such as the Army, Sepah, Air force and Red Crescent helped the injured with all their powers and available equipments and facilities. Right now chemical patients are transferred to Iran to be treated. This is a sign of humanitarianism and altruism of Iranians which is common civilization features between Iranians and Kurds.
In addition, Iran’s attempt to introduce the aspects of this humanity tragedy to the world is another appreciated work. Iranians leaders informed the then general secretary of the UN about chemical attack to Halabcheh; he also informed this to Security Council. It convicted this act and denied mentioning the name of Iraq for being under pressure of great powers who themselves equipped Iraq with chemical weapons; however, Iran continued to introduce this inhuman tragedy in a broader range. By Iran’ invitation, many non- and governmental societies visited the victims while their bodied were on the ground as result of this attack. They provided a lot of pictures. Many vast attempts were carried out for political broads to visit the victims suffering from this attack. Tehran tried, at any way, to make this racism tragedy clear for the world to uncover the real origin of the Baath regime, the characteristic of Saddam and innocence of Halabcheh people.
In International law view, chemical bombing of Halabcheh was an evident breach of the protocol of Jun 17, 1925 on conviction for usage of chemical weapons, of the documents of the Hague Peace Conference 1899 and 1907, of the art clause 6 of Nuremberg Court Articles of Association 1964, the clause 5 of Washington Treaty 1922, the clause 3 of Universal Declaration of Human Rights 1948, Non-proliferation Convention (the Protocol of Non-proliferation 1929 and 4th Geneva Convention 1949). In this view, upon war crime, it is included as a clear instance of inhuman crime with the aim of extinction of mass group of human.
Now, like Hiroshima and Nagasaki, Halabcheh witnesses the birth of children with chemical affections and physical-mental problems. Halabcheh still witnesses deaths of human affected by chemical bombing experiencing vast pains and difficulties during their life, and they themselves know the destructive results of this weapon transfer from generation to generation.
However, Halabcheh is alive even with all these pains, and the sculpture of the child lying in his mother arms reminds of this song saying a child’s life costs more than any border.
Abdu Al-Rahman Haji Zibari, the Kurdish lawyer and jurist, / Halabcheh is a part of belongings and chemical bombing
With the presence of Dr. Jegarkhwein, deputy-representative of Kurdistan Regional Government of Iraq in Tehran, Abdu Al-Rahman Zibari, the attorney of Halabcheh people in Saddam court and chemical Ali, Dr. Mustafa Ghanei, the specialist and physician of patients of Halabcheh chemical bombing, Dr. As’ad Ardalan, Dr. Bayazid Mardukhi, Dr. Ghotbeddin Sadeghi, Dr. Ja-far Haghpanah, Ehsan Hushmand, Dr. Mojtaba Borzui, Muhammad Ali Chavushi, Ardeshir Pashang and other personifications, the seminar of Iranian narration of Halabcheh chemical bombing was held in the auditorium of Culture, Art and Archeology Research Center of University Jihad in Tehran.
In this seminar, Abdu Al-Rahman Haji Zibari said phrases about under the heading of “Halabcheh is a part of belongings and chemical bombing”. In a part of this phrase, it says: in 16/4/1987, the first chemical attack was launched by the fallen and dictator regime of Baath to innocent people residing in Balisan area, in a valley where the great tribe, Jaaf, live. 81 days after this tragedy, the resolution 598 in Security Council of United Nations was carried to come cease-fire agreement between Iran and Iraq. This resolution had no scandal and guilty for Saddam Hussein regime, that was why the Islamic Republic of Iran under Imam Khomeini leadership did not accept the resolution. The Security Council of the United Nations considered this offense just as fighting occurred between two countries, however this crime was greater than a war between two countries. Besides, Iran agreed to the ceasefire in 8/8/1988, and formally the war of Iran and Iraq stopped in 20/8/1988. But the pillage and chemical bombing by Baath regime of Iraq continued, for the attack of 8th steps of pillaging continued from 25/8/1988 to 6/9/1988 whereas there was no war between Iran and Iraq.
In my opinion, Halabcheh was a part of the pillage acts. For the following reasons:
1- It was carried out between pillage 1 and 2.
2- The accused of pillage case and Halabcheh are the same.
3- The victims of Pillage case and Halabcheh Are the same; regarding that our Iranian brothers rooting in Aria as well, were killed by Saddam Husein, on the other hand,he killed the group whose nationality was Kurd and massacred the other group whose nationality was Kurdish, Iranian and Aria nationality.
He also mentioned some topics about the Pillage case in Iraq courts, another aspect of humanity tragedy and the necessity of formal complaining of Iran and Iraq against western companies supporting Iraq in producing chemicals weapons.
We Should Follow Long-Term Economic Interests in Region
Donyae Eqtesad: Iraqi Kurdistan’s government and the Islamic Republic of Iran have had good political, cultural and social relations with each other since many years ago which have been strengthened after the overthrow of Saddam Hussein.
Korean Ambassador visits DFR as his tenure in Iraq concludes
Erbil, Kurdistan Region, Iraq – (DFR.krg.org) – Today, the Korean Ambassador to Iraq, Heyon Meyong Kim, met with the Head of the KRG Department of Foreign Relations (DFR), Minister Falah Mustafa and the Assistant Head of the DFR, Ms Siham Jabali as part of his farewell visit to Kurdistan as his two year tenure in Iraq concludes.
Ambassador Meyong Kim and Minister Falah Mustafa spoke about the history of their nations to which the ambassador stated that in his two years as ambassador to Iraq, he has learned a lot about the Kurdistan region, the Kurdish culture and the people. He went on to praise Kurdistan’s rapid development and drew parallels between Korea and the Kurdistan Region. He praised the Kurdish leadership for their vision which has helped pave the way for this economic development and progress in the region.
Minister Mustafa informed him of the history of oppression in Kurdistan and said “we have come a long way but we are still facing many challenges and we can learn lessons from your experience and your history.” He went on to say that “Kurdistan is based on a culture of hope and optimism.’
Earlier in the day the Korean Ambassador, along with other foreign diplomats, had attended a ceremony where the remains of 93 Barzanis who lost their lives during the Anfal were returned to Kurdistan to be reburied in Barzan. The Ambassador had been very moved at the event.
Both sides discussed Turkey – KRG relations as well as KRG relations with Baghdad to which Minister Mustafa stated, “for peace and cooperation you need partners.”
They went on to discuss ways of enhancing bilateral ties between Korea and Kurdistan through cultural exchange programs and the continuity of capacity building programs by the Korean International Cooperation Agency (KOICA) in Kurdistan.
On that note, Ambassador Meyong Kim informed Minister Mustafa on future programs initiated by The Korean Transport Institute (KOTI), a Korean think tank for transport and logistics. KOTI intends to work with the KRG Ministry of Planning to help further develop the Kurdistan region.
During his visit to Kurdistan, the Ambassador met with the KRG Prime Minister, Nechirvan Barazani and attended the Second annual Sulaimani Forum hosted by the American University of Iraq – Sulaimani on the 4th and 5th of March.
Ambassador Heyon Meyong Kim will be returning to Seoul to resume work at the Korean Foreign Ministry in order to prepare for his next posting as the Consul General in Los Angeles, USA later this year.
Prime Minister Barzani's speech at AUIS Sulaimani Forum
Sulaimani, Kurdistan (KRG.org) – Text of the Speech of Prime Minister Nechirvan Barzani at the American University of Iraq's Sulaimani Forum:
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Distinguished guests good morning to you all and welcome.
I wish to welcome my esteemed brother Mr. Ahmet Davutoğlu, The Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Turkey, who has travelled from Turkey to Sulaimani to participate in this conference. On behalf of the Kurdistan Regional Government and the province of Sulaimani we warmly welcome him, as this is his first visit to Sulaimani. I welcome all guests who have come to attend.
I wish to thank the American University of Sulaimani, the University President Dr. Dawn Dekle, and of course AUI-S Chancellor, Dr. Barham Salih for extending this invitation to me to deliver the keynote address.
When I read the title of this conference, entitled Navigating the Challenges of the Middle East, I considered my remarks for this event. I thought that I would try to raise several issues and questions that might be addressed in the coming panel discussions.
“Navigating the Challenges of the Middle East”
This title leaves us much room for discussion around several issues, for indeed the Middle East needs to reevaluate its past and, going forward, turn to a brand new chapter in the ongoing story of its historical life.
The challenges require a very special understanding of the situation in order to modernize the political and social structure so as to guarantee and safeguard peace and stability in the Middle East.
As the Kurdistan Region, still a part of Iraq, we are presented with two key questions:
Will that country of Iraq have a future as a stable, democratic and federal state?
Will the deterioration of this country’s security, economy and politics lead to the disintegration of this country that we have spent eleven years trying to rebuild and for which we have sacrificed?
We have seen dark times in Iraq before 2003, when we live under threat and were constantly terrorized. However, much of the progress in the recent past took place under the umbrella of American protection and with the assistance of American security forces.
Today, Iraq looks more and more like a failed state – large areas suffer from inadequate security, poor services, and lack of government facilities, deep and paralyzing political disputes exist among key groups, and there is a lack of national purpose in addressing future problems. As a result, the country is losing complete authority and has encouraged deep confrontation amongst the political forces. Unfortunately, the people are losing hope for a cohesive future due to the lack of strategic plans to resolve these issues.
Of course we Kurds have a special interest in this question for it will determine the future directions we shall take. As has been the case since the liberation of Iraq, we are committed to a democratic, federal, and pluralistic Iraqi state, which protects our rights and freedoms under a stable and meaningful constitution.
Since the beginning of the liberation of Iraq, we have publicly declared our position by words and actions. We are committed to a democratic, federal and pluralistic Iraq, in which constitutional rights and freedoms are protected. Commitment to the new Iraqi Constitution is a commitment to a peaceful political and social process, and recognition of the will of the people. We should not overlook the fact that over almost 4 in 5 Iraqi citizens voted and approved the Iraqi Constitution in 2005. The responsibility, therefore, is on all the political forces, neighbouring countries, as well as those who believe in democracy to support and uphold the Iraqi Constitution, and to ensure that this founding document is not used for political or individual gains.
I will not go into any great detail in this setting, at this moment, apart from saying that we are deeply concerned about the future of Iraq and about the nature of the relationship between Baghdad and our Region. We are partners in the new Iraq and in the Federal Government, but unfortunately we are pessimistic about the attitude of the Federal Government in Baghdad regarding the Constitutional rights of the Kurdistan Region. Throughout the past decade, year by year our differences have grown and direct threats have only served to further push us apart and do not help to find concrete and suitable solutions in the Constitutional framework of our country.
Like all other sides, we are a part of this country. We have made a lot of sacrifices and will continue to do so to establish security in Iraq, promoting political reconciliation and economic development for the sake of stability. We will continue to seek solutions through dialogue and discussion.
We have a constitutional right to use the national resources of this Region, and we have made it clear that we will neither regress nor relinquish our rights. What we are after, then, is mutual understanding and to work jointly as stipulated by the Constitution, and not individual judgments or centralised rule – an era which has ended. This is the basis of our relationship with the government in Baghdad and with all stakeholders and parties in Iraq.
We will reiterate that the relationship between the Kurdistan Region and other sides must not come at the expense of either party, and it will not be part of the contention. However, we will work towards stability and mutual understanding, as well as for the protection of our people.
We are genuinely concerned that in Baghdad today the livelihood of the people of Kurdistan is being used as a pressure card against the residents of the Kurdistan Region. We are quite concerned that a single individual can decide to withhold the livelihoods of the people of Kurdistan as a pressure card against the people of the Kurdistan Region. This is not acceptable under any circumstances to the people of the Kurdistan Region.
What we feared would happen in Iraq has occurred: we feared that one day the will and actions of one individual will be geared against the Kurdistan Region and the its people’s livelihoods. Our public servants are part of the Iraqi public service corps. In accordance with the Iraqi Constitution and law, these public servants are entitled to their salaries. However, a single individual has decided that he has the right to withhold their salaries. This was our fear in Iraq, and now we have witnessed it. Therefore, the Kurdistan Region is determined to never go back to the past again.
After the liberation of Iraq many countries and outsiders attempted to implement their agenda in Iraq. However, we have genuinely worked to protect the dignity of this country. We want to have friendly ties with our neighbouring countries, but we will not be part of any conflicts and our ties will not be at the expense of others. We have our own agenda, which is to simply protect our interests and serve our people under the framework of a democratic and pluralistic Iraq.
In this context, we attach great importance to the creation of stability in the greater region. For that reason, we have worked with determination to establish better ties with neighbouring countries based on mutual understanding and mutual benefits, just as we conduct our ties with all other countries.
Based on this vision, the Kurdistan Regional Government welcomes the initial agreement of the P5 + 1 group with Iran. We believe this is an important factor for the safety and stability of the greater region. The Kurdistan Regional Government believes it is important that as a neighbour the Islamic Republic of Iran returns to the international community. As a neighbor we believe that this will be an importance factor ensuring the stability and development of the Middle East.
Furthermore, the development of our relationship with the Republic of Turkey is in the interest of the Kurdistan Region and Iraq as this benefits stability and mutual understanding.
My second question is equally daunting: What are the consequences of long-term violence and instability in Syria, a conflict which shows no signs at all of ending any time soon?
The preceding, final decades of the 20th Century were extremely bleak with a pervasive sense of dejection felt among the people due in no small part to political challenges and military coup d’états, regional revolutions, the clash of ideologies and propaganda, empty symbolism, gestures and mottos and Cold Wars, which still exist in the Middle East. In the face of the current situation and the ideological confrontations that exist in the greater region, we are determined to work to protect ourselves and to protect the interests of the Kurdistan Region.
The civil war in Syria has overwhelmed all the neighboring countries with refugee flows that are not sustainable for any period of time. The lack of an inclusive political solution to resolve this situation is a key factor behind the deteriorating confrontation and extremism, which has a negative impact not only on the greater region but also on the international community. This fragmentation of the Syrian opposition and the interference of world powers have damaged the situation.
In Lebanon, nearly one in four people is a Syrian refugee due to this unbearable situation. Jordan is cracking under the strain of tens of thousands of refugees. Even here in the Kurdistan Region we are struggling to maintain adequate conditions for over 250,000 refugees. The Kurdistan Regional Government will continue to assist the refugees and establish adequate living conditions.
Further, the violence has attracted hundreds – if not thousands – of Al Qaeda fighters back, and they are now infiltrating Iraq and capturing areas from which they were forced out by the American surge nearly seven years ago.
The peace process which has begun in Geneva is not enough. Those nations with influence in Syria must use their power to bring this humanitarian tragedy and security nightmare to an end before the entire region is dragged into chaos and crises.
Ladies and Gentlemen
Today in the Kurdistan Region, we are tasked with forming the new cabinet. We are in dialogue with all the political parties to exchange thoughts and ideas. We will work towards establishing a broad based government that is representative of the election results. This process needs time, but we have made progress. We want to ensure that the next four years deliver continued peace and stability in the Kurdistan Region, and that all sides are part of its development and governance. Furthermore, we want to work together to further develop the democratic process in the Region, and this encourages us to continue our dialogue with all other political parties to achieve an outcome that is in the interest of our people.
The society of the Kurdistan Region and the political leadership as a whole senses and strongly recognises the changes that are taking place in the greater region, and we continue to cautiously deal with these changes and future obstacles in a way that protects the interests of our people.
My third area of interest regards two of our strongest neighbors. Turkey and Iran are each playing a greater role in the future of the Middle East. Some see potential for cooperation between them, others see competition developing. This is aside from the impact of Saudi Arabia and other countries in the Middle East. My question is: What are the respective goals and interests of Turkey and Iran, and can they help to play a positive, tension-reducing role in the Middle East?
While many of us see this as an encouraging sign, there are concerns that this desire for greater influence could turn into a competitive, de-stabilizing process with each side seeking to add areas of economic and political influence at the expense of the other.
Nonetheless, we cannot ignore the role and impact of outsiders on ideological, religious and sectarian tensions.
And my last question as one of the people living in the Middle East is: What is the level of American influence? What is level of American interests in the Kurdistan Region, and what type of leadership and support can we expect from the United States?
We have gone from the hyper-interests of the Bush Administration, which sought to remake the Middle East in its own image, to the policies of the Obama Administration, which almost seem to reject the notion that the US has any strategic influence at all in the Middle East.
Will new oil and gas technologies, which are likely to make the US even less dependent on Middle Eastern energy, lead to an even more comprehensive US withdrawal from the Middle East?
What is the future US-European policy towards the Middle East? What is their impacts can we expect on this area?
Ladies and gentlemen, dear colleagues and friends,
These are just some of the issues that we as leaders in the Middle East need to consider and for which we must prepare. There is no doubt that other issues will be raised and discussed here this week. I am sure this conference will be successful because a number of scholars, researchers, political analysts, government representatives, and journalists inside and outside Kurdistan are present.
I wish to thank the American University of Iraq in Sulaimani and the IRIS center for organizing this conference and for gathering all of us here for these roundtable discussions.
I wish you the best in your work and in your analysis, and I look forward to hearing more from IRIS about the conclusions.
Thank you very much.
President Barzani and Turkish FM Davutoglu Meet in Erbil
Erbil, Kurdistan Region, Iraq (KRP.org) – Kurdistan Region President Masoud Barzani met with Turkish Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu in Erbil on Wednesday.
The two sides discussed bilateral relations, Iraq’s political and security challenges, including the upcoming parliamentary elections in Iraq, and the Syrian conflict.
They both said that they are very pleased with the status of their relations and expressed their willingness to further strengthen political, economic and cultural ties. Foreign Minister Davutoglu described President Barzani’s visit to Diyarbakir in 2013 as very significant and historical.
On the planned upcoming Iraqi parliamentary elections, President emphasized that these elections must be held on time.
A Ceremony in Honor of the Martyrs of Halabcheh Held with Presence of the Representative of Kurdistan Region
With the presence of the Representative of Kurdistan Regional Government in Iran, a ceremony, in honor of martyrs killed in chemical bombarding in Halabcheh was held in the Behesht Zahra of Tehran.
With presence of Nazem Dabbagh, the Representative of Kurdistan Regional Government in Tehran, Dr. Ahmad (Jegarkhawein), the deputy-Representative of Kurdistan Regional Government, the representative of political parties of Kurdistan Regional Representative office in Tehran like: Loghman Hakim Seif, the Representative of Democrat-Socialist party of Kurdistan, Amjad Babahaji, the representative of Islamic Union, Hiva Rasul Rashid, the representative of Islamic Population, the representative of Islamic republic of Iran, General director of Behesht Zahra, 35 numbers of the families of victims of Halabcheh bombardment, the ceremony service of the victims of chemical bombardment of Halabcheh was held in the sections 25 and 40 of the cemetery of Behesht Zahra in Tehran at 1 o’clock, in the afternoon, on Monday, on Isfand, the 5; the audience commemorated the memory of these martyrs with offering garlands and praying for them.
In the ceremony held in memory of martyrs of chemical bombarding of Halabcheh, a few of audience gave speeches.
A number of martyrs of chemical bombardment of Halabcheh died in Iran at that time and reposed on the cemeteries of Iran. Nearly 70 of the martyrs were buried in the sections 25 and 40 of Behesht Zahra of Tehran and 44 of the martyrs rested together in section 25.
By order of the prime minister of Kurdistan Regional Government, 35 numbers of victimized families of chemical bombarding of Halabcheh traveled to Iran to visit the tombs of their beloved dead. After the chemical bombarding of Halabcheh city by Ba’ath regime, a number of victims of this tragic event were taken to different hospitals in Iran to be treated their wounds and injuries and most of them left for Tehran to be cures and healed. Unfortunately a number of these victims, for the toughness and violence of injuries, died in Tehran and were buried in the cemetery of Behesht Zahra. Every year human organization under the heading NGO, Kurds inhabiting and the families of martyrs of chemical bombarding of Halabcheh, commemorate the memory of the royalty martyrs with presence at their cemeteries and offering garlands and praying for the dead.
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